, British Library; Lakshmi Subramanian, Indigenous Capital and Imperial Expansion: Bombay, Surat and the West Coast (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 15.
10 John Styles, “What Were Cottons for in the Early Industrial Revolution?” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 307–26; Halil Inalcik, “The Ottoman State: Economy and Society, 1300–1600,” in Halil Inalcik and Donald Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 354; Pedro Machado, “Awash in a Sea of Cloth: Gujarat, Africa and the Western Indian Ocean Trade, 1300– 1800,” in Riello and Parthasarasi, The Spinning World , 169; Subramanian, Indigenous Capital , 4.
11 Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry in the Later Middle Ages, 1100–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 157.
12 “Assessing the Slave Trade,” The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, accessed April 5, 2013, http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces .
13 David Richardson, “West African Consumption Patterns and Their Influence on the Eighteenth-Century English Slave Trade,” in Henry A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn, eds., The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York: Academic Press, 1979), 304; Joseph C. Miller, “Imports at Luanda, Angola 1785–1823,” in G. Liesegang, H. Pasch, and A. Jones, eds., Figuring African Trade: Proceedings of the Symposium on the Quantification and Structure of the Import and Export and Long-Distance Trade in Africa 1800–1913 (Berlin: Reimer, 1986), 164, 192; George Metcalf, “A Microcosm of Why Africans Sold Slaves: Akan Consumption Patterns in the 1770s,” Journal of African History 28, no. 3 (January 1, 1987): 378–80.